Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management
The journal specializes on the study of political processes in society and international relations issues. The journal aims to cover the results of political science research, including the current issues of modern information society, political communications and media policy, on which focus the scientists from the Chernivtsi National University and other research institutions and universities in Ukraine and the European Union.
Чернівецький національний університет імені Юрія Федьковича
Communicative Technologies of Constructing Political Reality
The article aims to conceptualize communicative technologies as a systemic mechanism for constructing political reality and to identify their structural components, functional logic, and effectiveness within a technological approach to political processes. The study is based on a technological approach that interprets political processes as systems of strategically organized instruments of influence. It integrates interdisciplinary insights from political communication, sociology, and cognitive psychology to analyze mechanisms of symbolic impact, meaning production, and audience perception. The research demonstrates that communicative technologies constitute a coherent, institutionally organized system of symbolic practices that enable the production, reproduction, and transformation of political reality through the management of meanings, images, and collective representations. Their defining feature is resource efficiency, achieved by substituting coercion with symbolic influence, leveraging cognitive and cultural structures of audiences, and ensuring the self-reproduction of constructed meanings. The study identifies and systematizes key communicative technologies, including a representative promise, political positioning, visual legitimation, nonverbal signaling, solidarization, mobilization of expectations, selective visibility (agenda-setting), emotional resonance, construction of representative roles, and semantic naturalization. Each technology performs a specific function within an integrated system of influence, contributing to legitimacy, mobilization, and stabilization of political power. Communicative technologies are not auxiliary tools but fundamental mechanisms of political power, shaping political reality as a dynamic symbolic construct. Their effectiveness lies in the integration of cognitive, emotional, and symbolic dimensions of influence. However, their application entails inherent risks, including manipulation, simplification of complex political processes, affective polarization, and erosion of trust.
Copyright (c) 2026 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Evolution of US Pacific Policy at the Beginning of the 21st Century: Approaches to the Topic
The article examines the evolution of the Pacific policy of the United States of America in 2000–2025 as one of the central directions of the modern global strategy of the United States. Based on official documents of the White House, the Department of Defense, the State Department, analytical materials of leading American research centers (Brookings Institution, RAND Corporation) and scientific works of M. Green and J. Nye, the process of formation and transformation of the American vision of the role of the Asia-Pacific region (APR) in the 21st century is analyzed. Particular attention is paid to a comparison of the political courses of the administrations of J. Bush Jr., B. Obama, D. Trump and J. Biden, their contribution to the formation of the concept of the "Indo-Pacific". The patterns of the transition from the policy of "engagement" to the policy of "strategic competition", enshrined in the "National Security Strategy" (2025) and "National Defense Strategy" (2026), are determined. It is concluded that the evolution of American Pacific policy reflects the shift of the US global focus to the East and the formation of the Indo-Pacific region as a key space of superpower rivalry in the 21st century.
Information Policy of Authoritarian Regimes in Contemporary Academic Discourse: Literature Review (A Review of Current Research)
The information environment of the 21st century has become a primary battleground for authoritarian regimes seeking to consolidate power domestically and project influence internationally. Classical models of autocratic rule have given way to sophisticated, information-centred governance strategies that exploit digital technologies, algorithmic platforms, and cognitive vulnerabilities in open societies. The convergence of Russian and Chinese approaches to information manipulation, combined with the coordinated export of these practices to third countries, represents a qualitatively new challenge for liberal democracies, particularly in Europe and the post-Soviet space. Despite a growing body of scholarship on disinformation, propaganda, and digital authoritarianism, a systematic synthesis of the theoretical frameworks that explain this transformation remains underrepresented in Ukrainian academic discourse. This article aims to conduct a structured review of contemporary international scholarship on the information policies of modern authoritarian regimes, to identify the key conceptual frameworks that describe their information strategies, and to assess their implications for democratic resilience – with particular relevance to Ukraine's security context. Methods. The study employs theoretical-conceptual analysis and a systematic literature review of scholarship on the transformation of authoritarianism in the digital age, informational autocracies, and digital authoritarianism. A comparative approach is applied to interpret Russian and Chinese practices of information control. Elements of discourse analysis are used to reconstruct the key narratives and ideological frameworks that accompany democratic backsliding and the export of authoritarian information strategies. The corpus of sources includes peer-reviewed academic articles, policy papers, and monographs from leading Western, Ukrainian, and international research institutions published primarily between 2014 and 2025. The review identifies four interconnected conceptual clusters. First, the transition from classical repressive dictatorships to "spin dictatorships" and "informational autocracies" (Levitsky and Ziblatt 2018; Krekó 2025; Rosenfeld and Wallace 2024) reveals that contemporary authoritarian regimes no longer rely primarily on violence but on the sophisticated restructuring of information environments to construct an illusion of legitimacy. Second, the concept of "authoritarian informationalism" (Garbe and Merz 2025) captures how digital technologies have enabled a dual transformation: empowering surveillance, targeted censorship, and preemptive neutralisation of dissent, while simultaneously creating new systemic vulnerabilities for regimes dependent on transnational platforms. Third, the convergence of Russian and Chinese disinformation strategies (Swanström and Månsson 2025; Sahgal and Shukla 2022; Hamilton and Ohlberg 2020) demonstrates how two structurally distinct actors are increasingly aligned in promoting anti-Western narratives, exporting digital control technologies, and building parallel global information architectures through state media, bot networks, and coordinated inauthentic behaviour. Fourth, the structural vulnerabilities of democracies – rooted in their openness, normative constraints on state intervention, and eroded institutional trust – are systematically exploited by authoritarian actors as asymmetric advantages, particularly through foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) operations. Conclusions. Modern authoritarian regimes share a set of defining characteristics in the information domain: systematic use of disinformation and propaganda as substitutes for overt coercion; centralised control over information infrastructure; the fusion of online and offline surveillance; and the deliberate blurring of the boundary between truth and falsehood to generate cognitive paralysis rather than persuasion. Domestically tested mechanisms – "firehose of falsehood," cognitive warfare, bot-network amplification – are systematically projected outward, transforming informational autocracy from a domestic governance style into an exported instrument of geopolitical competition. For Ukraine, these findings carry direct security implications: Russia's full-scale military aggression is accompanied by a long-term information war targeting internal cohesion, institutional legitimacy, and international standing. Effective countermeasures require an integrated strategy combining strategic communications capacity, institutional fact-checking infrastructure, media literacy education, and sustained diplomatic engagement with partner states to maintain the sanctions and support framework that constrains Russian operational capability.
Linguistic Bridges in Global Diplomacy: the Role of Translation in International Relations
Diplomacy is typically viewed as state interaction, institutional negotiation, and strategic communication, often treating language as a neutral medium. This study reconceptualises translation as a form of political mediation that constructs narratives, shapes perceptions of legitimacy, and influences international inclusion dynamics. By integrating translation studies with international relations, the article examines how linguistic choices influence diplomatic communication and highlights translators as vital mediators in global political contexts. This research emphasises the interconnectedness of language, power, and institutional inclusion, especially where geopolitical stakes are high. It highlights the pragmatic role of translation in diplomacy and the agency of translators, thereby enhancing our understanding of diplomacy as a communicative and performative element of global governance. Combining insights from both fields, it provides a nuanced view of translation as a political process that shapes narrative formation, influences diplomatic tone, and impacts power relations within institutions such as the EU and UN. In contemporary diplomacy, effective communication relies on precision and coherence, with translators playing a crucial role in decision-making and cultural negotiation. Linguistic nuances, such as modality, can significantly affect how international audiences interpret messages. Translators are not mere intermediaries; they influence trust-building, conflict avoidance, and multilateral cooperation, shaping the narrative of foreign policy. The article analyses translation in Ukraine-EU discourse, emphasising how language impacts Ukraine’s integration and alignment with EU values. Translations of diplomatic documents reveal how lexical choices can shape perceptions of Ukraine’s geopolitical stance. Ethical responsibility in translation is crucial, as it requires translators to balance fidelity with an awareness of political implications, thereby ensuring clarity and avoiding distortion. It encompasses cultural sensitivity and ethical judgment, pertinent to both translation studies and international relations. Overall, translation has a significant influence on global diplomacy, serving as both a communication tool and a political mediation mechanism, and thus warrants further research in political communication and diplomatic studies.
Mechanisms of Propaganda in Nazi Germany through the Lens of Mass Communication Theories
The article examines the mechanisms of propaganda in Nazi Germany through the lens of mass communication theories, focusing on its influence on public opinion and the formation of collective consciousness. Propaganda in Nazi Germany developed as a coherent, institutionalized system of mass communication, integrated into all spheres of social life. Its effectiveness was based on centralized management, control over the media space, and targeted psychological influence on the audience. The study employs mass communication models (Lasswell), affective theories of influence, framing theory, the “magic bullet” model, as well as ideas from Le Bon, Ellul, Benjamin, and Arendt. This approach allows Nazi propaganda to be understood as a structured communication process aimed at shaping cognitive, emotional, and behavioral patterns in mass consciousness. Key mechanisms of influence include narrative repetition, unification of linguistic and symbolic forms, dominance of emotional over rational appeal, framing of political reality, and the construction of the “enemy” image. The effectiveness of propaganda lay not so much in convincing the audience of the factual accuracy of messages, but in creating a sense of collective belonging and the “obviousness” of the proposed worldview. Through emotional engagement, ritualization of politics, and the use of mass culture, propaganda transformed individual perception into collective experience, reducing critical thinking and alternative interpretations. The study also demonstrates that many mechanisms of Nazi propaganda remain relevant in contemporary information wars and authoritarian media systems. Reconsidering Nazi propaganda through the lens of mass communication theories provides a deeper understanding of the nature of mass influence in both totalitarian and modern societies, highlighting organizational and institutional aspects of propaganda, key strategies and methods of psychological influence, as well as the continuity of these mechanisms in the contemporary media environment.
Populist Electoral Rhetoric in the 2025 Czech Parliamentary Elections
The political leaders have always had a special mission to realize its intentions in a certain period. And these periods were crucial for society. Most often, this happened in acute periods - wars, military conflicts, changes in political regimes. And, of course, populism played a significant role in this process, which was present in the political rhetoric of the elite and its charismatic leaders. One of the key features of the phenomenon of populism is the high level of personalization of political activity, the close connection between the spread and level of influence of a populist movement and the personality of its leader. This feature is not, of course, unique to populism, as charismatic leaders can rise to prominence by advocating value systems that are far from populism of any kind - conservative, for example, or by making a career within influential organizational structures with a strong tradition, such as the church. However, for a populist movement, charismatic leadership is almost always a necessary element. On the other hand, in the context of open, public political struggle, populist techniques and rhetoric become a powerful and sometimes necessary tool. A successful case is the parliamentary elections in the Czech Republic and the use of populist rhetoric during the 2025 elections.
European Union Policy on Media Literacy in the Context of Digital Transformation and Information Challenges
The article analyzes the main directions of the European Union’s policy on the development of media literacy in the context of digitalization and increasing information threats. Media literacy is considered an important component of democratic resilience, the development of critical thinking, and the ability of citizens to counter disinformation. The study examines key regulatory and strategic EU documents aimed at strengthening media competence, including the Audiovisual Media Services Directive, the Code of Practice on Disinformation, the Digital Education Action Plan, and initiatives implemented within the programs Creative Europe, Digital Europe, and Horizon 2020. Particular attention is paid to the integration of media literacy into educational programs, teacher training, the development of digital skills among citizens, and the creation of conditions for the safe use of digital technologies. International media literacy indexes and the experience of several European countries are analyzed, with particular emphasis on Finland, which demonstrates high levels of resilience to disinformation. It is shown that in the 2020s media literacy development is closely connected with new technological challenges, including the spread of artificial intelligence, algorithmic recommendation systems, and deepfake content. The importance of a comprehensive approach to media literacy development through the combination of educational, regulatory, and technological instruments is emphasized. The study concludes that EU policy aims to create a coherent system for developing citizens’ media competence, which contributes to strengthening information security, increasing digital culture, and supporting the functioning of democratic institutions.
Disinformation as a Factor in the Transformation of the Political System: Quantitative Analysis and the Role of Artificial Intelligence
This article examines disinformation as a factor in the transformation of the political system under conditions of digitalized political communication and large-scale information confrontation. The topic is especially relevant in the contemporary security environment, where disinformation no longer functions merely as a set of misleading messages but increasingly operates as a systematic instrument for influencing public opinion, undermining trust in institutions, intensifying political polarization, and reshaping democratic processes. The study adopts an analytical approach that combines political communication analysis with quantitative methods and artificial intelligence-based tools. Particular attention is paid to the capacity of quantitative analysis to identify patterns in the production, dissemination, amplification, and reception of disinformation across digital platforms. At the same time, the article explores the dual role of artificial intelligence: on the one hand, as a technology that facilitates the generation of deepfakes, synthetic narratives, and automated influence operations; on the other hand, as an instrument for detecting manipulated content, classifying disinformation narratives, and mapping coordinated information attacks. It is argued that the combination of quantitative methods and AI significantly expands the analytical capacity of political research by enabling a more precise assessment of how disinformation affects institutional legitimacy, political participation, and the functioning of democratic systems. The article concludes that disinformation should be understood not only as a media-related challenge, but also as a structural factor capable of transforming the political system, especially in contexts of war, hybrid threats, and algorithmically mediated communication.
Marketing Strategies for the Post War Restoration of Rural Areas in Ukraine: Lessons from International Experience
The article is devoted to identifying priority marketing strategies for the effective post‑war restoration of rural areas in Ukraine, based on an analysis of international experience. It is noted that the concept of the thematic village is highly productive for shaping marketing strategies aimed at restoring rural territories that were located in the war zone or were under Russian occupation. An analysis of the thematic village concept, which has been successfully implemented in several European countries, is presented. This approach, rooted in ideas that emerged in the mid‑20th century, focuses on the restoration and harmonious development of rural areas. The concept of the thematic village becomes a shared framework for both authorities and local communities. To develop the thematic profile of a village, appropriate management and political instruments must be established at the institutional level. In the long term, thematic villages can strengthen residents’ shared identity, enhance their involvement in community development, and support processes of community self‑organization. Thus, an important side effect of implementing the thematic village model is the strengthening of democratic practices. It is argued that, in developing strategies for creating thematic villages in territories that were front‑line or close to the front line, the concept of militarism can serve as a foundation for their positioning. Accordingly, for rural areas of Ukraine that have suffered from military actions, it is advisable to design marketing strategies that incorporate a military‑themed orientation for these villages. Importantly, military thematics can serve as a distinctive competitive advantage for many rural areas affected by hostilities. At the same time, within the marketing strategies of each individual village, this military theme should be complemented by unique local features that more clearly articulate and reinforce the territorial brand. In general, in the post‑war period, the development of military‑themed concepts in Ukrainian rural areas affected by the war represents an optimal marketing strategy.
Human Сapital and the Еthnic Agency of Ukrainians in the European Space: Challenges of Migration Policy in the Context of War and European Integration
The article investigates the transformation of the ethnic subjectivity and identity of Ukrainian forced migrants in the European Union countries as a result of the full-scale war. The study analyzes the transition of Ukrainian society to a state of "achieved identity" and the formation of the "hybrid identity" phenomenon, wherein integration into the European socio-economic space is combined with the preservation of political and cultural involvement in the life of Ukraine. Based on W. Kymlicka’s concepts of liberal nationalism and multiculturalism, the processes of assimilation and inclusive integration are differentiated. Through a comparative analysis of the migration policies of Poland and Germany, institutional risks of losing Ukrainian human capital are identified (in particular, through educational assimilation and the "brain waste" phenomenon). The author substantiates the necessity of a conceptual change in state migration policy: shifting from ineffective attempts at the directive return of citizens to a strategy of "talent circulation", the development of transnational institutions, and the institutionalization of "digital citizenship" as prerequisites for the post-war reconstruction and European integration of Ukraine.
Conceptualizing Cross-Border Crises: the Specificity of Ukrainian-Polish Crisis Communications
Crises of a cross-border nature are positioned as a critically important domain not only of national but also of international politics. Threats not recognizing national borders constitute the main challenge in cross-border crises and require not only administrative coordination but also efficient information exchange, unity of positions, trust in official sources, and the countering of disinformation in a multinational environment. Cross-border dynamics disrupt established governance frameworks, emphasizing the need for network-based models of interaction and a communicative dimension grounded in consensus, responsibility as well as trust. International cooperation requires open and two-way communication. However, specific communication methods for cross-border crises and criteria for assessing their effectiveness remain insufficiently studied. The development of a theoretical framework for analyzing communication in cross-border crises, identifying problem areas, and determining appropriate tools contributes to coordinated action through reducing uncertainty and the preservation of public trust. This can be facilitated by the study of cross-border terminology, the systematization of communication problems by crisis types, and the development of practical evaluation indicators. A cross-border crisis is strategically dependent on communication, as it determines interstate coordination and the population’s readiness to follow recommendations. Key communication challenges include fragmentation of responsibility, asynchrony in decision-making, language barriers, and the spread of misinformation. Tools for addressing these challenges include joint information-sharing protocols, early warning systems, and unified communication algorithms. Bilateral communication reduces the gap between institutional logic and public expectations. Empirical analysis through case studies allows for assessing the speed of initial communication, consistency between actors, and the availability of practical guidance.
Ukraine in the Third and Fourth Years of the War
In this text, the author analyzes Ukraine's situation in the third and fourth years of open conflict with Russia. He begins by presenting several reasons from the early 1990s, when independent Ukraine was being formed, which influenced its subsequent relations with the Russian Federation. The recollection of these few events from mutual relations is not intended to be nostalgic, but rather to show the deep causes of the current conflict. The current war is not about Putin's ambitions, but has deeper roots in contemporary Russia's perception of this former large Soviet republic, rich in land and human capital. In this context, Putin's speech at the Munich conference in 2007 was “only” a loud expression of grievances and resentments against the backdrop of the collapse of the USSR, but it was not merely an expression of regret, but a deliberate attempt to drive a wedge into the NATO alliance. Since the beginning of its independence, Ukraine has been a battleground for different social models, guided by different principles and varying levels of participation in government. After 1991, Ukraine and Russia signed various agreements and treaties, but Russia continued to pressure successive Ukrainian governments to return the country to its former sphere of influence. The return of Donald Trump to power is an indisputable turning point, also for this conflict. His political style is also reflected in his military actions. We are witnessing a reconstruction of the architecture created at the end of World War II and modified after the Cold War. Despite the ongoing war, Ukraine has recently undertaken several economic initiatives aimed at strengthening the economy. When thinking about this, the conflict over Ukrainian grain being sent abroad comes to mind first, but there are other events in the economy that point to attempts to introduce several projects aimed at strengthening the Ukrainian state.
Institutional Crisis as a Threat to the System of Public Administration: Security Aspect
The article attempts to comprehensively analyze the problem of the negative impact of institutional crisis on the system of public administration and national security. It is noted that the purpose of the article is to analyze and theoretically generalize the institutional crisis as a phenomenon in the context of a threat to the stable functioning of the system of public administration. The main theoretical and methodological approaches to the study of the causality and nature of institutional crises are highlighted: functional, systemic, neo-institutional and socio-cultural. The process of developing crisis situations through the sequential change of individual phases is analyzed. It is noted that the specifics of the political regime affect the features of the course of crises. It is argued that crises have an ambivalent nature, which is manifested through a destructive impact on the system as a whole, and, at the same time, crises allow us to identify its (the system's) vulnerabilities. The main manifestations and key factors of the emergence of institutional crises are determined. The impact of institutional crises on the national security of the state is studied. It is stated that a proactive strategy becomes the key to the endurance and stability of the state's security sector, since in the current conditions of global socio-political turbulence, national security cannot be guaranteed by international institutions. The factors that cause the emergence of institutional crises are analyzed. Among them: low efficiency of state institutions, spread of corrupt practices, economic crises and financial instability, dysfunction of accountability and control mechanisms, fragility of institutional structures. Ways of overcoming institutional crises are outlined, in particular, attention is focused on the role of civil society.
Political Participation and Security Risks of Internet Voting in Ukraine under Martial Law
The article examines internet voting as a potential mechanism for ensuring political participation in Ukraine under martial law. The full-scale war has significantly complicated access to traditional electoral procedures for military personnel, internally displaced persons, citizens abroad, and residents of affected territories, thereby making the search for alternative instruments to preserve the inclusiveness of the electoral process particularly relevant. It is argued that internet voting is capable of reducing spatial and organizational barriers to participation; however, at the same time, it generates serious security risks. The main threats include the cyber vulnerability of infrastructure, external interference, problems of remote voter identification, risks of violating the secrecy of the vote, and undermining the legitimacy of results. The article demonstrates that, in wartime, trust in digital elections is determined not only by the technological reliability of the system, but also by the institutional resilience of the state and the level of public trust. It is concluded that the possible introduction of internet voting in Ukraine requires a phased approach, proper regulatory framework, a high level of cybersecurity, and preliminary testing.
Ukraine’s Euroatlantic Democratic Choice in the Context of Relations with the European Union
The article examines the history of relations and current problems of interaction between Ukraine and the EU in the context of Ukraine’s aspirations for full membership in the EU as one of the basic goals of the Euro-Atlantic choice and resistance to Russian aggression. The implementation of the purpose of the article involves the use of various scientific methods, the main ones being historical retrospective, analysis and induction. The formation of a monetary union and a single market has contributed to the fact that the European Union has now become a powerful macro-regional association of developed countries and an independent geopolitical center of global influence. For many post-Soviet republics, including Ukraine, the European Union is a kind of magnet, an attractive example of uniting mentally and civilizationally related peoples into a political and economic union for more effective solution of the tasks of their development in the conditions of the new information age. The European choice of Ukraine is based on the vital interests and historical aspiration of the Ukrainian people to be an integral part of a united Europe. The fate of all humanity depends on how timely and effectively an effective mechanism for neutralizing the Russian threat is created. Based on this, relations between Ukraine and the EU acquire strategic importance for the preservation and development of the entire Euro-Atlantic civilization, because in the event of a hypothetical failure of the Armed Forces of Ukraine to resist the Russian army, there is a real prospect of transferring hostilities to the immediate territory of the European Union countries. In order to become a full member of the European Union, Ukraine ought to build an appropriate political model of a parliamentary republic with decentralized unitarism.
heroic resistance of the Ukrainian people
Preparing Polish Society for a Potential Security Crisis in Nato-Russia Relations: Selected Issues
The topic of this article is preparing Polish society for a potential security crisis in NATO-Russia relations in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. The first part discusses issues related to the preparation of European states for a potential conflict with the Russian Federation, using selected examples, then moves on to explore these issues using Poland as an example. First, the lecture presents the actions taken in Poland and the level of preparedness of Polish society in the event of armed conflict, drawing on the results of surveys on these issues. The next part discusses the problems related to the preparation of shelters and safe havens for civilians in the event of war, or rather the lack thereof. Given the potential prospect of war between NATO countries, the broader West, and the Russian Federation, this must be addressed urgently to avoid being surprised by a Russian invasion. The lecture concludes with a summary and recommendations for actions to be taken to prepare the state and society for the potential defense of Poland and Europe against the barbarity of the Russian army.
Reforming the Components of the Regional (European) Security System: Current State and Current State and Prospects
The article examines contemporary approaches to evaluating the security levels of states and regions against the backdrop of the ongoing transformation of the international security environment. The study analyzes the principal international indices applied for this purpose – the Global Peace Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit Quality of Life Index, the Legatum Prosperity Index, and the Global Firepower military power index – with particular attention to their methodological foundations, analytical strengths, and inherent limitations. The central finding is that none of these instruments adequately captures the qualitative dimensions of modern armed forces, including the operational role of unmanned aerial systems, electronic warfare capabilities, and accumulated combat experience. The article traces the deterioration of the military-political situation in Europe, the expansion of hybrid threats emanating from the Russian Federation, and the consequent imperative to reform the existing regional security architecture. It substantiates the necessity of establishing new mechanisms for military-political cooperation and deepening defense integration among European states. Special attention is given to Ukraine's function as a pivotal element in continental security, in view of its frontline combat experience, the accelerated development of unmanned technologies, and its demonstrated capacity to adapt and innovate in contemporary warfare. The article further assesses the prospects of forming a European Defence Union and the evolving role of the EU, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Ukraine within potential integrated security arrangements. The authors examine several scenarios for Ukraine's strategic positioning – ranging from full European integration to autonomous strategic deterrence – in the context of shifting transatlantic relations and the partial reorientation of U.S. security commitments. The authors conclude that existing ranking systems require substantive revision to incorporate the qualitative indicators of modern conflict, and that the further development of the European security system is most viably linked to the formation of integrated armed forces in which Ukraine occupies a structurally significant role.
Identity in the Context of Postcolonial Experience
The article provides a theoretical and conceptual analysis of identity in the context of postcolonial experience as a complex, dynamic and multi-level social process. It argues that postcoloniality should not be perceived as a completed historical phase but rather as a long-term structural condition shaping modes of self-reflection, symbolic self-definition, and political subjectivity in societies formerly subjected to imperial domination. Particular attention is paid to the mechanisms of internalized colonial narratives, as well as to the role of language, collective memory, and social trauma in the formation of identity configurations. Identity is conceptualized not as a fixed essence but as an ongoing process of negotiation between competing national, imperial, and global narratives. Using the Ukrainian case as an analytical lens, the article demonstrates that postcolonial societies are capable of generating their own modernization and symbolic projects without merely reproducing external models. The study substantiates the claim that Ukrainian national identity constitutes a theoretically significant and empirically representative case for the global intellectual debate on multiple modernities, the limits of universalism, and alternative trajectories of social development.
A New National Identity Formed in the Conditions of the Full-Scale Invasion as the Basis for the Consolidation and Stability of Ukrainian Society
The article reveals the relevance of the process of forming national identity; characterizes the main stages of its development during the years of Ukraine's independence; attempts are made to analyze and systematize the views of scientists on the factors that influenced the development of national identity at different stages; characterizes the changes and shifts in national identity caused by the full-scale Russian invasion; reveals the role of national identity affirmation in the process of ensuring the consolidation and stability of society. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the comprehensive analysis and generalization of the main trends in the process of forming national identity during the years of Ukraine's independence, especially during the period of the Russian full-scale invasion. The paper analyzes the evolution of the process of forming a new national identity in Ukraine during the years of independence, which has undergone a certain evolution. Considerable attention is paid to the study of landmark events that became catalysts for change: the August putsch and the December referendum of 1991, the Orange Revolution, the Revolution of Dignity, Russia's aggression in 2014 and the occupation of Crimea, and the full-scale Russian invasion of 2022. It is worth emphasizing that it was the full-scale Russian invasion that led to significant/radical changes and shifts in the worldview and national identity of Ukrainians: increased social consolidation and acceleration of the process of forming a political nation; an increase in the level of a clearer awareness of one's own ethnic identity; changes in orientation towards different models of cultural traditions; a forced rejection of the "Soviet past", a sharp decline in nostalgia for the USSR; an emphasized distancing from Russia in almost all spheres of public life; the emergence of new heroes and symbols that consolidate society and contribute to the formation of a new national identity; strengthening of horizontal social ties based on cooperation and common values; growth in society of the desire for Euro- and Euro-Atlantic integration, etc. It is characteristic that practically each of these changes in the worldview of Ukrainians testifies to the strengthening of unity, monolithicity and integrity of the Ukrainian people. All this means that now, in the conditions of a full-scale invasion, an important/definitive stage is taking place in Ukraine in the process of forming a new national identity, which should become a powerful basis for the consolidation and stability of Ukrainian society.
Human Factor in Cybersecurity: Cyber Education as a Systemic Response to Growing Threats in the Digital Space of Ukraine and the EU
This article addresses a critical vulnerability in contemporary cybersecurity defenses: the persistent dominance of human factors as the primary vector in successful cyberattacks across Ukraine, the European Union, and globally, despite substantial investments in technical security infrastructure. Empirical evidence from authoritative sources, including Verizon, the World Economic Forum, CERT-UA, and ENISA, consistently identifies that most cybersecurity breaches involve human elements encompassing insider errors and psychological manipulation, with phishing and social engineering accounting for the majority of intrusion entry points. Ukraine’s decade-long trajectory of escalating cyber threats – from the 2014 Crimea operations through the catastrophic 2017 NotPetya campaign to sustained high-tempo operations during Russia’s 2022–2025 full-scale invasion – demonstrates that adversaries systematically exploit human cognitive vulnerabilities rather than relying exclusively on technical sophistication. Similarly, the European Union faces a diverse threat landscape affecting critical infrastructure. This article argues that cybersecurity policy and practice exhibit a strategic misalignment: while technical defenses have matured substantially, educational frameworks addressing human behavioral vulnerabilities remain fragmented, episodic, and sometimes disconnected from real-world attack patterns. The article frames cybersecurity education not as a mere technical skill domain but as a fundamental dimension of digital citizenship and organizational resilience. It presents the EnCycLEd Erasmus+ project – a cross-border educational initiative that brings together partners from five European countries (Germany, Austria, Greece, Malta, and Ukraine) – as a concrete implementation model demonstrating how cybersecurity literacy can be mainstreamed into general school curricula through interactive, story-driven, age-segmented educational resources grounded in pedagogy and real-world threat patterns. The article employs multi-method research combining quantitative threat intelligence analysis, previous cyber incident narrative analysis, threat landscape characterization, and case study examination to establish that human-centered cybersecurity education constitutes a necessary complement to technical defenses and a strategic policy imperative for institutional and societal resilience in an interconnected digital environment.
Copyright (c) 2025 Pavlo Burdiak (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
The Evolution of the U.S. Special Operations Mechanism as a Form of Foreign Policy Activity
The article examines the evolution of the United States’ special operations mechanism as an instrument of foreign policy after the period of its intensive use in Latin America in the 1980s. The mechanism is understood as a set of institutions (above all the U.S. Special Operations Command, USSOCOM, and its regional headquarters), doctrinal approaches (foreign internal defense; counterterrorism; irregular warfare), legal regimes, and procedures of democratic oversight that shape the feasibility of “light-footprint,” “managed escalation,” and partner-based campaigning strategies. The study shows that, following the Latin American experience, three key transformations occurred: (1) institutional strengthening through the creation of a centralized system for the command, management, and development of special operations forces; (2) doctrinal shifts from partnership missions to “networked” counterterrorism and a subsequent return to the concept of irregular warfare in the context of great-power strategic competition; (3) tighter legal and reputational constraints, including procedures related to covert action and the vetting of foreign military units under the so-called Leahy Laws. The findings highlight which principles of this American evolution may be useful for Ukraine: institutional maturity of the Special Operations Forces, interagency integration of the “data–decision–action” cycle, and a focus on the long-term effects of resilience.
Copyright (c) 2025 Bohdan Kudelko (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
The European Union’s Digital Strategy in Public Health: Formation and Implementation Features
The article studies the European Union's digital strategy in the field of public health. It is proven that it is the digital transformation that is shaping a new paradigm of public health policy, where technologies support and change the very logic of the system's functioning, making it more adaptive, transparent and citizen-oriented. The European digital public health policy is a strategic tool for the modernization of national public health systems and, at the same time, an important element of the integration logic of the Digital Single Market. The significance of the EU's digital strategy in the field of public health lies in the fact that it strengthens institutional coordination, ensuring more effective multi-level governance and policy coherence between member states. At the same time, it contributes to increasing the legitimacy of decisions, as digital tools increase the transparency of policy-making processes and strengthen citizens' trust in European institutions. No less important is the aspect of solidarity and equality, as EU regulations in the field of digitalization aim to overcome inequalities in access to public health services both between countries and within individual social groups, forming a political basis for a more just and integrated European space.
Copyright (c) 2025 Oleksandr Popovych, Oleksandr Shutak (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Eurosceptic Narratives of the Visegrád Group (V4) on the Future of the European Union: A Comparative Discourse Analysis (2018–2025)
The article provides a comprehensive comparative discourse analysis of the Eurosceptic narratives articulated by the Visegrád Group (V4) countries – Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia. The study explores how these narratives reflect the broader transformation of European identity and political communication within the European Union (EU). The research assumes that Central European Euroscepticism should not be reduced merely to a reaction against Brussels’ bureaucracy but should be understood as an attempt to redefine the principles of subsidiarity, sovereignty, and political solidarity in the evolving European project. Methodologically, the article employs a combination of critical discourse analysis, comparative politics, and the pragmatist theory of power, allowing for a multidimensional interpretation of political communication across the four countries. This interdisciplinary approach reveals how political elites in the V4 have strategically constructed rhetorical frames to legitimize alternative visions of European integration and to balance national sovereignty with collective obligations. The findings demonstrate a significant transformation in V4 Euroscepticism after 2022. The Russian war against Ukraine served as a catalyst for shifting discursive patterns: while earlier narratives focused on migration and economic policy, more recent ones emphasize energy autonomy, regional leadership, and «sovereign Europeanism». This concept encapsulates the V4’s pragmatic approach – combining critique of EU institutions with an aspiration to shape Europe’s future security and governance agenda. The article introduces the concept of pragmatic Euroscepticism to describe this hybrid model of political discourse, integrating both constructive and critical dimensions. The study’s practical relevance lies in its potential to inform EU communication strategies toward Central Europe and to forecast the evolving internal dynamics of the Visegrád Group.
Copyright (c) 2025 Mykyta Drohoziuk (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Diplomatic Communication of Ukraine with the Kingdom of the Netherlands in 2023–2024
In the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the strategic task of Ukrainian diplomacy operating on the principles of wartime diplomacy is to provide the Defense Forces of Ukraine with everything necessary to maintain the front line. It is aimed to provide them with military equipment and ammunition, form international coalitions of capabilities and for the restoration of Ukraine as well as to involve countries of the world in individual points of the Peace Formula of the President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelensky. The activities of the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, O. Karasevych, corresponded to all these tasks and challenges. The article draws attention to the diplomatic communication of the Ambassador of Ukraine and his preparation of meetings between the President of Ukraine V. Zelenskyy and the prime ministers, foreign ministers and defense ministers of the Netherlands. The article traces in chronological order the Ambassador of Ukraine meetings with parliamentarians and leaders of political parties of the Netherlands, his Dutch colleagues, the activities of the Ambassador of Ukraine as part-time members of international organizations in particular the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons and the creation of the Special Tribunal for the crime of aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine The contacts of the Ambassador of Ukraine O. Karasevych with representatives of the local authorities of the Netherlands regarding the reception and arrangement of conditions for the residence of refugees from Ukraine and the activities of the Embassy as a kind of cultural and information center of Ukraine in the Netherlands are specified. The authors argue that the one and a half year tenure of the Ambassador of Ukraine O. Karasevych in this country was effective and productive for both countries.
Minister of Defense of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
Copyright (c) 2025 Olena Borysiuk (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Visegral Grоup: Geopolitical Reality and Prospects for Functioning
The article provides a comprehensive analysis of the current state and prospects of the Visegrad Group as one of the key geo-economic clusters of Central European countries in Europe. It examines the geo-economic and political reasons behind the creation of the Visegrad Group and provides a comparative assessment of the economic potential of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia within the broader European economic context. The study concludes that the Russian–Ukrainian war has become a major geopolitical trigger for the Visegrad countries, and the level of support for Ukraine can serve as an indicator of the geopolitical orientation of each government. The findings suggest that, in the long term, ideological differences are unlikely to break the cohesion of the countries that established the Visegrad Group, regardless of the political preferences of ruling governments. However, there is a risk that persistent political divergences may push individual V4 members to seek alternative formats of regional cooperation. Another option for the future existence of the V4 is the reform of political interaction and a change in the foreign policy priorities of Hungary and Slovakia, with the hope of effective political opposition in these countries. The growing contradictions in the foreign policy courses of the member states pose a challenge to the Visegrad Group’s ability to operate as a unified geopolitical actor.
Copyright (c) 2025 Dmytro Korotkov (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Interaction between Political Institutions of Ukraine and the Visegrad Four in the Years of Full-Scale War
The authors investigated the interaction of political institutions of Ukraine and the Visegrad countries (Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary) during the years of the full-scale Russian-Ukrainian war. The article uses a significant array of domestic and foreign sources. The research is based on neo-institutional, systemic and comparative methodological approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, logical-experimental, sociological, etc. It is proven that the interaction between Ukraine and the V4 countries changed during the Russian-Ukrainian war, became ambiguous. The authors emphasize, that the V4 ceases to be the only regional actor and is transformed into a platform for situational cooperation. Each of the Visegrad countries is developing its own relations with Ukraine. Poland and the Czech Republic are helping Ukrainians in the fight against the enemy, Slovakia demonstrates the variability of positions, and Hungary has formed a model of "limited interaction", in which assistance to Ukraine was partially provided outside the framework of intergovernmental political decisions. It is strategically important for Ukraine to deepen bilateral cooperation with Poland and the Czech Republic, support institutional channels of cooperation with Slovakia and minimize the destructive influence of the Hungarian factor through activities within the institutions of the European Union.
Copyright (c) 2025 Vira Burdiak, Tetiana Fedorchak (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Cybersecurity and Resilience in the Structure of Digital Policy of the Visegrad Group Countries
The article provides a comparative analysis of cybersecurity and resilience in the digital policy framework of the Visegrad Group countries (Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary). It is proven that the national models of cybersecurity and digital resilience of the Visegrad countries share a common desire to integrate their own policies into the strategic framework of the EU's "Digital Decade", where cyber security is considered a key factor in the legitimacy of digital democracy. All countries recognize cybersecurity as a strategic priority, combining institutional reforms, legal harmonization and educational programs for citizens and businesses. They are gradually building institutional coordination, creating specialized centers and incident response mechanisms, and investing in the development of digital skills, which forms a culture of responsibility and trust in digital institutions. It is substantiated that the specificity of each national (Polish, Czech, Slovak, Hungarian) model of cybersecurity and digital resilience lies in different emphases and political contexts that determine their role in the structure of digital policy. The Polish model is distinguished by its systematicity and multi-levelness, it combines legislative reforms, institutional coordination and large-scale educational programs, which creates a holistic architecture of digital resilience. The Czech model is characterized by high public awareness and active participation of business, which forms the basis for the democratic participation of citizens in the digital environment. The Hungarian model is distinguished by a dual character: on the one hand, it demonstrates progress in the implementation of European standards and technological solutions, and on the other, it functions in the conditions of an authoritarian regime, where cybersecurity is used not only as a tool of protection, but also as a mechanism of control over society. The specificity of the Slovak model of cybersecurity and digital resilience lies in the combination of a relatively low level of incidents in the corporate sector with a high level of public demand for increased protection of digital services.
Copyright (c) 2025 Nataliia Rotar (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Specific Features of Public Authority Functioning in Ukraine Under Martial Law: the Problem of Legitimacy
This article examines the specific characteristics of public authority functioning in Ukraine under martial law. Public authorities encompass both local self-government bodies and state authorities (executive power). The ongoing war has generated new patterns of interaction between these entities – local self-government and state authorities on the one hand, and civil society and public authorities on the other. The nature of cooperation in shaping regional policy has changed substantially, particularly between local councils and military administrations. Currently, there is no uniform practice of interaction across Ukraine; mechanisms vary depending on territorial proximity to the front line (frontline, near-frontline, or rear areas). Another critical challenge concerns the legitimacy of governing bodies. Given the impossibility of holding elections during wartime, strategies for legitimising public institutions become essential. Civil society also demands the development of a national-patriotic policy. Strengthening national identity – rather than regional identity – should become a priority for public authorities, serving as a significant factor in legitimising governance in the absence of elections.
Copyright (c) 2025 Halyna Kuts, Iryna Peresypkina, Yurii Kuts (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Preventive Mediation as a Type of Mediation Technologies in Politics
The article reveals the specifics of preventive mediation and outlines the possibilities of its application in the field of public policy. It is noted that preventive mediation has universal application, but it acquires extremely great importance in the field of public policy under the influence of the implementation of the concept of good governance. It is shown that, according to J.-F. Six, mediation is represented by the following types: creative mediation, which is aimed at creating new relationships and mutually beneficial solutions; restorative mediation, which is designed to improve existing relationships if they have deteriorated or been interrupted; therapeutic mediation, which resolves an existing conflict; preventive mediation, which prevents conflicts at the stage of potential confrontation, when the parties still maintain constructive relations. It is found that D. Hoicka singles out proactive leadership as a key principle of preventive mediation, which includes the following tools: open communication, empathy and the search for a common language. This principle and the corresponding tools allow opponents to break the cycle of escalation and work to achieve mutually beneficial results. It is determined that in the field of public policy preventive mediation functions at the metasystemic, institutional, sectoral and interpersonal levels. It is proven that preventive political mediation is most effective in administrative activities and civil service, interstate and intergovernmental conflicts, judicial / extrajudicial disputes, political activities and public communication, war and post-conflict periods.
the concept of preventive mediation by J.-F. Six
the concept of proactive leadership by D. Hoicka
Copyright (c) 2025 Kamil Prymakov (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
Digitalization of International Relations as a Factor in the Sustainable Development of Ukraine
This article details Ukraine's strategy for implementing the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in the context of countering the Russian Federation's hybrid information manipulation in the cyber and telecommunications network of the Internet, which threatens global stability, civil egalitarianism, constructive cooperation, inclusiveness, and peaceful coexistence. It highlights the results of the activities of Ukrainian authorities to ensure the functioning of international agencies «Stop Russia Channel»,«Vox Ukraine», «Euromaidan Press», «Internews-Ukraine», «Lets Data», «TEXTY», «Inform Napalm», «Chesno», «Ukraine Crisis Media Centre» (UCMC), «Stop Fake», «Vox Check», «Detector Media», «Fact Check-Ukraine» and «Gra Sliv», which are integrated into the scientific and educational programmes of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to diversify society's competencies in refuting Russian disinformation. A comprehensive analysis of the regulatory and legal framework for the implementation by the Ukrainian authorities of the instructions of Goals 4, 10, 16, and 17 of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in terms of optimising the digital infrastructure for debunking Moscow's disinformation, with the aim of reforming transnational dialogue on the UN's doctrines of civilisational virtual tolerance, equality, high levels of education, mutual rational benefit and pragmatic inter-state cooperation. The results of the implementation of joint projects between Ukraine, the EU and NATO within the framework of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to update the cybersecurity network and filter digital content in the media, repositories, social applications and electronic communication services from fictitious discrediting campaigns by the Russian Federation with theexploitation of«FotoForensics»,«Skeptive»,«Lazy Truth», «Rev Eye Reverse Image Search», «Trooclick», «Truth Goggles», «Image Edited?», «Setting the Record Straight» and «Who stole my pictures».
Copyright (c) 2025 Ihor Ishchenko, Ivan Kotov (Author) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/